Xxx congresso internacional da alas 29 de novembro a 4 de dezembro de 2015 gt 10 – Estudios politicos, sociojuridicos e institucionales

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. Acesso em: 10 jun 2015.

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1 Professora nos PPG em Ciência Política e PPG em Politicas Públicas/ UFRGS. Visiting Senior Fellow no Departamento de Politica Social da London School of Economics and Political Science, onde realiza estagio de pos-doutorado com bolsa da Coordenacao de Aperfeicoamento de Nivel Superior/ CAPES.

2 Aluno de graduação dos cursos de Políticas Públicas/ UFRGS e Direito/Uniritter.

3 With the transition of Latin American democracies to open market economies, a major concern at the end of the 1990s was related to the increase in litigation and legal difficulties of the Judiciary to deal with this new demand, struggling to reach alternative resolutions to the conflicts , informalization, and the use of mediation and arbitration techniques that could unburden the courts (Sutil, 2000, p. 288-290).

4 From the point of view of criminal justice, the major concern of the period concerned the increase in crime and violence in the countries after democratization. Primarily victimizing the underprivileged groups, either as victims or as perpetrators of this crime, the lack of reforms in criminal justice implied antagonistic criticism: on the one hand, there were request to make the system more efficient in crime-fighting- on the other hand, there were complaints about the perpetuation of violations against human rights, non-compliance with constitutional guarantees from the part of the defendant and prisoners (Sutil, 2000, p. 292-293). Debates on the reform of the penal systems demonstrate a change from written and investigative models to accusatory systems with formal guarantees safeguarded in criminal procedures (Aguiar, 2011; Gomes da Silva, 2011).

5 "Persistence of traditional patterns of inequal income, exacerbated now by the recent impact of neoliberal economic policies, suggests that legal assistance programs subsidized for the poor should have some role to ensure more equitable patterns of income distribution. Therefore, there is more reason to worry about access to justice'''' (GARRO, p. 307, 2000).

6 Studies indicated a need to relate the debate on access to justice from the perspective of legal aid programs for the poor and legal reform programs in Latin America. At that time it was said that “If access to justice is seen as part of an overall process of change in which the agents of political and civil society are actively involved, legal aid programs, along with judicial and legal form, will probably ensure some relief to social injustice (GARRO, p. 309-310, 2000).

7 The first type distinguished between programs which were targeted to vulnerable groups in urban or rural areas, showing that such services in these areas virtually didn’t exist. Another classification was based on the issue of dispute, with legal services available to the defendant, territorial issues, and vulnerable groups such as women, indigenous people, ... Finally, the classification of services depended on the institution that promoted them, with legal aid programs sponsored by the government itself; those offered in the training of lawyers in law schools, and those provided by bar associations, community groups and other nongovernmental organizations . In the first group, the public service of legal assistance is offered by lawyers which are paid by the state, working full time, belonging, at the time, to the Public Ministry, or other departments of the federal or state executive government . In most countries, such a system is offered to those accused of crime, who are entitled to free legal representation by a public defender (Garro, 2000, p. 311-312).

8 “As anticipated above, the argument, in its simplest form, is that a naked legal right is unlikely to be effective if it is not supported by a network of ancillary institutions that support claimants and impose costs on potential violators. Moreover, this ancillary support is unlikely to develop when the potential claimants are politically and economically marginalized. In Latin America, the movement toward greater democracy and political participation brought greater formal recognition to the set of substantive rights typically associated with liberal democracy, as well as rights for various disadvantaged groups like the indigenous, or women. But democratizers have so far failed to do the much more arduous work of creating and populating the ancillary institutions that would be required to make these rights effective. This failure is evident in the case of police violence, as we will see in a little more detail below. The lack of rule of law in Latin America, then, is not primarily a matter of inadequate legislation, but of the failure to comply with an increasingly well-developed legal framework” (Brinks, 2008, p. 6-7).

9 In Argentina, once its federal structure allows each unit to organize its own judiciary system and, consequently how the public defense will be conducted, there are 24 different public defense systems that vary in terms of structure and institutional status

10 The expansion of the judiciary came in three waves: the first between the years 1930 and 1940, driven by the lasting trend of Brazilian politics, which led to mistrust of political-representative institutions and the ability of the democratic regime in meeting the needs of society, inspiring alternative solutions to the problem of social order and collective conflicts; the second from the year 1970, granting the prosecutor, as an organ of state responsibility for protection of diffuse and collective interests before the Judiciary.

11 In the analysis on the reform of the Public Ministry of Mexico, Chile and Brazil, Aguiar (2011) focuses his attention on the role of political reforms and the gains that each actor can have with this process: “Reforming justice institutions in Latin America transitional scenarios was a good enterprise for domestic political actors, because justice institutions revealed to be crucial political players for democrats, but also for autocrats when they saw their power could break in a near future (Hischl, 2004; Magaloni, 2008). According to a new institutional approach to judicial reform, given the rising competitiveness of the political system, many times elected officials strategically choose to introduce reforms that empower justice institutions so as to avoid deciding on subjects that would conflict with their supporters. Thus, the desire of domestic actors to bind themselves to the rule of law and reform their justice system appeared in democratic transitional scenarios not only because politicians supported, altruistically, the protection of citizens rights and wanted to inbed the notion of democracy’ but mainly because it was convenient for their national and international political agenda. At the national level, argues Hirschl, the reform and empowerment of justice institutions, and the consequent ‘judicialization of politics’, helped many times the elected officials to solve the problems derived from the rising competitiveness of the political system. In other words, as democracy advanced in the electoral arena and more parties disputed the political space, the need for an arbiter that could decide contested issues (such as taxes, abortion or gay marriage regulations) that affect politicians popularity turned indispensable and, above all, convenient. Thus, the empowerment of the justice institutions was a good enterprise to advance the party interests […]” (AGUIAR, 2011, p. 15).

12 The crisis of the welfare state increased the role of the judiciary and its powers with regard to social rights, since the states had lost much of its ability to promote social welfare, giving the liberalizing process, which resulted in greater emphasis to the judiciary, increasingly required in a context of scarce public resources and abundant social rights (ARANTES, 2007, p. 100) and the rise of judicial activism is related to factors such as the crisis of political representation, the empowerment of civil society, globalization and its effects on the production and implementation of law and an increased risk of the crisis and the public sphere. The phenomenon of legalization of politics can be understood in a sociological approach, being the expansion of justice and the judiciary linked to the issue of access to justice and legal and institutional aspects related to the emergence of new types of rights and new forms of access to justice. "Besides the social, political and economic highlighted by the sociological perspective, the judiciary would have known major expansion throughout the twentieth century also because the law and procedural rules have changed a lot, putting the formal justice to the scope of collective actors in society" (ARANTES , 2007, p. 100).

Another focus of the legalization of politics is given by the institutional aspect, which focuses on aspects and institutional arrangements for the judiciary and its relationship with the political environment. From a concept developed by Tate and Vallinder (1995), the judicial review can be read as “(1) a new "judicial activism" that is, a new provision for courts to expand the scope of issues on which they must form jurisprudential judgments (many of these issues until recently were reserved for treatment by the legislature or the Executive) and (2) the interest of politicians is the administrative authorities to adopt (a) procedures similar to court proceedings and (b) jurisprudence parameters in their deliberations (often the judiciary is politically induced to provide these parameters)” (CASTRO, 1997, p. 1.)

The process of legalization (CARVALHO; LEITAO, 2010) can be understood as a depoliticization of the political process, by replacing a political trial of representatives elected for a trial of non-elected (CASTRO, 1997) as a dimension of activism, which expresses the politicized side of justice, but implies the description of the institutional framework and the rules which allow or prevent political actions by the courts (ARANTES, 1999) or as proceduralizing of law and expansion of the public arena as legal instruments to facilitate the formation of opinion and citizen access to the agendas of public institutions (VIANNA et all, 1999).

For Tate and Valinder, this process affects the companies who have developed the following characteristics: “The presence of democracy, a separation of powers system, a politics of rights, a system of interest groups and a political opposition cognizant of judicial means for attaining their interests, weak parties or fragile government coalitions in majoritarian institutions leading to policy deadlock, inadequate public support, at least relative to judiciaries, and the delegation to courts of decision-making authority in certain policy areas all contribute to the judicialization of politics. It seems highly unlikely that judicialization could proceed very far in the absence of these conditions” (TATE & VALLINDER, 1995, p. 33).

13 Briefly, it can be argued that the Brazilian judicial system in the current pattern stimulates a paradox: fewer demands and more demands. That is, on one hand, significant sectors of the population find themselves marginalized from legal services, using, increasingly, of parallel justice, governed by the law of the strongest, certainly less fairly and with high potential to undo all the social tissue. On the other hand, there are those who enjoy in excess of official justice, enjoying the advantages of a slow machine, cluttered and bureaucratized (SADEK, 2004, p. 86).

14 Nao pretendemos com isso sustentar esgotamentos ou priorizacoes nos estudos de judicializacao da politica, especialmente brasileiros, objeto de analises de diferentes autores reconhecidos na area ao longo dos ultimos anos, dentre eles Koerner, Maciel, Carvalho, o que buscamos aqui e demonstrar novos desdobramentos nos estudos da area e mesmo novas formas de abordagem mais teoricamente fundamentadas, tambem rompendo com um primeiro padrao de estudos sobre o papel das cortes julgando direitos sociais ainda bastante descritivos e pouco analiticos.

15 O foco do trabalho de Alter (2003) é compreender as razoes que justificam a delegação de autoridade dos Estados para as cortes internacionais, descritas em termos de: 1) aumento de credibilidade e compromisso; 2) garantia de compromisso quando um governo quer jogar em incerteza por razoes políticas; 3) quando há questões técnicas complexas e menos amenas a negociação e controle políticos, sendo os sistemas legais mais atrativos; 4) quando os governos querem remover certas questões da esfera domestica, sendo o sistema legal internacional mais útil; 5) as cortes podem trabalhar melhor do que contar com uma aplicação de autoajuda; 6) as cortes jogam um papel de poder na resolução de conflitos; 7) a delegação pode ser uma boa maneira de assinalar o compromisso com um acordo sem realmente vincular um estado ou recursos reais de compromisso para impor o acordo.

16 A autora utiliza-se das seguintes variáveis no estudo: guaranteed terms, finality of decisions, exclusive authority, ban against exceptional or military courts, fiscal autonomy, separation of powers, enumerated qualifications.

17 Na época da pesquisa do MJ (2009) não haviam defensorias públicas nos estados de Santa Catarina e Goiás, estas que foram implementadas, respectivamente, em 20122011 (DEFENSORIA PÚBLICA DE SANTA CATARINA, S/D: passim) e 2011 (DEFENSORIA PÚBLICA DE GOIÁS, S/Db: passim). Ambas as instituições não apresentam em sua estrutura a criação de núcleos especializados por matéria, encontrando-se apenas em Goiás a presença de uma Central de Flagrantes (DEFENSORIA PÚBLICA DE GOIÁS, S/Da: passim).

18 Por sistemas internacionais de proteção de direitos humanos, entende-se o Sistema Global estruturado na sede da Organização das Nações Unidas e o Sistema Interamericano de Proteção de Direitos Humanos. O Estado brasileiro ratificou os dois tratados que instituem os referidos sistemas, respectivamente, Carta da ONU (1945) e a Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos (1992).

19 A sigla LGBTTI refere-se à diversidade sexual e a identidade de gênero, significando: Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Transexuais, Travestis e Intersex.

20 Conteúdo deste quadro consiste-se na transcrição das informações dos relatórios anuais de 2010 a 2012.

Catálogo: acta -> 2015 -> GT-10
GT-10 -> Uma análise da relação entre a fraternidade e a teoria dos princípios de Robert Alexy a partir das decisões da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos
GT-10 -> Asociación Latinoamericana de Sociología
GT-10 -> Autor: Marcus Cardoso da Silva / País: Brasil

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